1 CHAPTER 1 METAMORPHOSIS: Intellectual, Political, and Economic Transformation

CHAPTER 1

METAMORPHOSIS:

Intellectual, Political, and Economic Transformation


Learning Objective

Guiding question:  Why is change both sought and resisted in human events?

  1. Describe elements of why change is both sought after and resisted in human events.
  2. Apply the understanding of the paradoxes of change to concrete examples found in human history and art.

 


In this chapter, you will be introduced to the societal and cultural phenomena at the heart of the “changing of shape” which made the Renaissance possible.

The word “metamorphosis” is often defined as a changing of physical shape, a caterpillar to a moth for example, or in popular culture, an average person into a superhero.  For this and the following chapter, however, let’s imagine a transformation beyond the physical and corporeal.  Let’s imagine one that expands into the metaphysical exploration of being human and the ways in which the mind undergoes a transformative shift after the Medieval Period.

As with all change, this shift will encompass elements associated with both the broader good and the less savory facets of human thought and behavior.  For each glorious artifact by Michelangelo, the Renaissance Era also brings us instances of oppression and exploitation.  In order to more fully appreciate and engage with the art of the Renaissance, we must also understand the political and economic foundations which produced the conditions for the flourishing of art.

Stop and Think:

  • What is one example of a metamorphosis from your own experience?
  • How do you recognize when a change is occurring?
  • Change–or metamorphosis–can result in both positive and negative outcomes. Think of an everyday example of each.

 


POWER AND ART IN THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE

Now that you’re thinking a little about change in a general sense, let’s begin with a comprehensive look at the ways in which power and art manifest themselves during the early Renaissance:

 

 

Art in Sovereign States of the Italian Renaissance, c. 1400–1600

Stop and Think

  1. How did the tastes of an individual ruler come to represent art at the time as we know it now? What kinds of subject matter do you think might have been purposely omitted?
  2. What does the word “sovereign” mean? Look it up, then think about how we might still use it today. Do you think it is an outdated notion?
  3. What was the position of Holy Roman Emperor? What do you think is most unfamiliar to those of us who live in post-Enlightenment liberal democracies?

 


THE FLOWERING OF SCIENTIFIC INQUIRY

 

A revolutionary moment in science was the Polish astronomer Copernicus’ declaration that the earth revolved around the sun (heliocentrism).  The dominant forces within the Catholic Church viewed the cosmos as operating the other way around, with the earth at the center of the universe, and regarded Copernicus’ heliocentric view as against the ordering established by God.  Below find a slideshow which will introduce you to some of the machinations early astronomers employed to satisfy the requirements of the Church as well as the tension between the newly-growing method of scientific inquiry and the continuation of the vestiges of mystical and fantastical thought during the Renaissance:

Copernicus and the Cosmos

 

And this slideshow discusses the systems of understanding by Galileo and Newton that further propelled humans toward the abandonment of superstition in favor of logic, scientific methodology, and the focus on the knowledge of the human mind.

Out with superstition, in with science!

 

Stop and Think:

  1. Go back and look at the Tychonic system in “Copernicus and the Cosmos” above. To try and satisfy the constraints of the observable science with the traditional teachings from Scripture, Tycho tries to combine Copernicus’ heliocentric view with the traditional view of the earth as the center of the solar system. Can you think of any modern-day examples of a similar attempt to satisfy science and religion at the same time?
  2. Why do you think some people are resistant to or mistrustful of science? In the Renaissance and now?
  3. Look back at Galileo’s “Open Letter” in “Out with superstition…” and think about the literal use of Scriptures in Christianity. Why do you think a fundamentalist or literal interpretation of Scripture was so often chosen over the discoveries of science?

 

 


THE BLACK PLAGUE

  • Culture as humanity new it in the medieval era took a severe blow with the onset of the Black Death.  ​
  • Humanity began to rethink how it saw itself, spiritually, intellectually, socially politically, economically, etc.  ​
  • Life was considered anew and so began a time of exploration and innovation.

Introduction:

The Black Death is the name given to the plague that struck Europe in 1347 and lasted until 1352. The Plague reached Europe via trade routes, both land and sea, to the east, where the disease had been ravaging China since the early 1300s. Normally ascribed to bubonic plague (named after the buboes, or swellings that developed on the body), the Plague also took the pneumonic form and could be spread from person to person via coughing and sneezing, as well as the septicemic form when it entered the blood.

The Black Death was widespread, affecting people across Europe. People of all ages and social classes were killed by the disease, which wiped out as much as 40% of Europe’s total population. The Plague also devastated the Middle East and Asia, killing the populations of entire villages and towns. Even though the Black Death was the worst instance of plague, the disease would return to Europe, usually once every generation or so, for centuries.

The following excerpt comes from Italian writer Giovanni Boccaccio, who lived in Italy during the plague years. The work excerpted here is from Boccaccio’s Decameron, a fictional tale of ten friends who take up residence in an abandoned church in the country outside the city of Florence. They’ve tried to isolate themselves from the disease and are passing the time telling stories. In the introduction to the Decameron, presented here, the narrator discusses the onset of the Plague on the city of Florence, as well as the many different reactions to the spread of the disease.

In the year 1348 after the fruitful incarnation of the Son of God, that most beautiful of Italian cities, noble Florence, was attacked by deadly plague. It started in the East either through the influence of the heavenly bodies or because God’s just anger with our wicked deeds sent it as a punishment to mortal men; and in a few years killed an innumerable quantity of people. Ceaselessly passing from place to place, it extended its miserable length over the West. Against this plague all human wisdom and foresight were vain. Orders had been given to cleanse the city of filth, the entry of any sick person was forbidden, much advice was given for keeping healthy; at the same time humble supplications were made to God by pious persons in processions and otherwise. And yet, in the beginning of the spring of the year mentioned, its horrible results began to appear, and in a miraculous manner. The symptoms were not the same as in the East, where a gush of blood from the nose was the plain sign of inevitable death; but it began both in men and women with certain swellings in the groin or under the armpit. They grew to the size of a small apple or an egg, more or less, and were vulgarly called tumours. In a short space of time these tumours spread from the two parts named all over the body. Soon after this the symptoms changed and black or purple spots appeared on the arms or thighs or any other part of the body, sometimes a few large ones, sometimes many little ones. These spots were a certain sign of death, just as the original tumour had been and still remained.

No doctor’s advice, no medicine could overcome or alleviate this disease. An enormous number of ignorant men and women set up as doctors in addition to those who were trained. Either the disease was such that no treatment was possible or the doctors were so ignorant that they did not know what caused it, and consequently could not administer the proper remedy. In any case very few recovered; most people died within about three days of the appearance of the tumours described above, most of them without any fever or other symptoms.

The violence of this disease was such that the sick communicate it to the healthy who came near them, just as a fire catches anything dry or oily near it. And it even went further. To speak to or go near the sick brought infection and a common death to the living; and moreover, to touch the clothes or anything else the sick had touched or worn gave the disease to the person touching.

Some thought that moderate living and the avoidance of all superfluity would preserve them from the epidemic. They formed small communities, living entirely separate from everybody else. They shut themselves up in houses where there were no sick, eating the finest food and drinking the best wine very temperately, avoiding all excess, allowing no news or discussion of death and sickness, and passing the time in music and suchlike pleasures. Others thought just the opposite. They thought the sure cure for the plague was to drink and be merry, to go about singing and amusing themselves, satisfying every appetite they could, laughing and jesting at what happened. They put their words into practice, spent day and night going from tavern to tavern, drinking immoderately, or went into other people’s houses, doing only those things which pleased them. This they could easily do because everyone felt doomed and had abandoned his property, so that most houses became common property and any stranger who went in made use of them as if he had owned them. And with all this bestial behaviour, they avoided the sick as much as possible.

In this suffering and misery of our city, the authority of human and divine laws almost disappeared, for, like other men, the ministers and the executors of the laws were all dead or sick or shut up with their families, so that no duties were carried out. Every man was therefore able to do as he pleased.

 

 

image

Image 1.1 Detail from a 19th Century illustration (drawing) of Boccaccio’s Decameron. “Decameron” is in the Public Domain

Many others adopted a course of life midway between the two just described. They did not restrict their victuals so much as the former, nor allow themselves to be drunken and dissolute like the latter, but satisfied their appetites moderately. They did not shut themselves up, but went about, carrying flowers or scented herbs or perfumes in their hands, in the belief that it was an excellent thing to comfort the brain with such odours; for the whole air was infected with the smell of dead bodies, of sick persons and medicines.

Others again held a still more cruel opinion, which they thought would keep them safe. They said that the only medicine against the plague-stricken was to go right away from them. Men and women, convinced of this and caring about nothing but themselves, abandoned their own city, their own houses, their dwellings, their relatives, their property, and went abroad or at least to the country round Florence, as if God’s wrath in punishing men’s wickedness with this plague would not follow them but strike only those who remained within the walls of the city, or as if they thought nobody in the city would remain alive and that its last hour had come.

Not everyone who adopted any of these various opinions died, nor did all escape. Some when they were still healthy had set the example of avoiding the sick, and, falling ill themselves, died untended.

One citizen avoided another, hardly any neighbour troubled about others, relatives never or hardly ever visited each other. Moreover, such terror was struck into the hearts of men and women by this calamity, that brother abandoned brother, and the uncle his nephew, and the sister her brother, and very often the wife her husband. What is even worse and nearly incredible is that fathers and mothers refused to see and tend their children, as if they had not been theirs.

Thus, a multitude of sick men and women were left without any care except from the charity of friends (but these were few), or the greed of servants, though not many of these could be had even for high wages. Moreover, most of them were coarse-minded men and women, who did little more than bring the sick what they asked for or watch over them when they were dying. And very often these servants lost their lives and their earnings. Since the sick were thus abandoned by neighbours, relatives and friends, while servants were scarce, a habit sprang up which had never been heard of before. Beautiful and noble women, when they fell sick, did not scruple to take a young or old man-servant, whoever he might be, and with no sort of shame, expose every part of their bodies to these men as if they had been women, for they were compelled by the necessity of their sickness to do so. This, perhaps, was a cause of looser morals in those women who survived.

In this way many people died who might have been saved if they had been looked after. Owing to the lack of attendants for the sick and the violence of the plague, such a multitude of people in the city died day and night that it was stupefying to hear of, let alone to see. From sheer necessity, then, several ancient customs were quite altered among the survivors.

 

Few were they whose bodies were accompanied to church by more than ten or a dozen neighbours. Nor were these grave and honourable citizens but grave-diggers from the lowest of the people who got themselves called sextons, and performed the task for money. They took up the bier and hurried it off, not to the church chosen by the deceased but to the church nearest, preceded by four or six of the clergy with few candles and often none at all. With the aid of the grave-diggers, the clergy huddled the bodies away in any grave they could find, without giving themselves the trouble of a long or solemn burial service.

The plight of the lower and most of the middle classes was even more pitiful to behold. Most of them remained in their houses, either through poverty or in hopes of safety, and fell sick by thousands. Since they received no care and attention, almost all of them died. Many ended their lives in the streets both at night and during the day; and many others who died in their houses were only known to be dead because the neighbours smelled their decaying bodies. Dead bodies filled every corner. Most of them were treated in the same manner by the survivors, who were more concerned to get rid of their rotting bodies than moved by charity towards the dead. With the aid of porters, if they could get them, they carried the bodies out of the houses and laid them at the doors, where every morning quantities of the dead might be seen. They then were laid on biers or, as these were often lacking, on tables.

Often a single bier carried two or three bodies, and it happened frequently that a husband and wife, two or three brothers, or father and son were taken off on the same bier. It frequently happened that two priests, each carrying a cross, would go out followed by three or four biers carried by porters; and where the priests thought there was one person to bury, there would be six or eight, and often, even more. Nor were these dead honoured by tears and lighted candles and mourners, for things had reached such a pass that people cared no more for dead men than we care for dead goats. . . .

 

File:Burying Plague Victims of Tournai.jpg

Image 1.2 The burial of the victims of the plague in Tournai depicts a dozen or so common people

carrying caskets and shovels toward a gravesite. Public Domain.

 

Such was the multitude of corpses brought to the churches every day and almost every hour that there was not enough consecrated ground to give them burial, especially since they wanted to bury each person in the family grave, according to the old custom. Although the cemeteries were full they were forced to dig huge trenches, where they buried the bodies by hundreds. Here they stowed them away like bales in the hold of a ship and covered them with a little earth, until the whole trench was full.

Not to pry any further into all the details of the miseries which afflicted our city, I shall add that the surrounding country was spared nothing of what befell Florence. The villages on a smaller scale were like the city; in the fields and isolated farms the poor wretched peasants and their families were without doctors and any assistance, and perished in the highways, in their fields and houses, night and day, more like beasts than men. Just as the townsmen became dissolute and indifferent to their work and property, so the peasants, when they saw that death was upon them, entirely neglected the future fruits of their past labours both from the earth and from cattle, and thought only of enjoying what they had. Thus it happened that cows, asses, sheep, goats, pigs, fowls and even dogs, those faithful companions of man, left the farms and wandered at their will through the fields, where the wheat crops stood abandoned, unreaped and ungarnered. Many of these animals seemed endowed with reason, for, after they had pastured all day, they returned to the farms for the night of their own free will, without being driven.

Returning from the country to the city, it may be said that such was the cruelty of Heaven, and perhaps in part of men, that between March and July more than one hundred thousand persons died within the walls of Florence, what between the violence of the plague and the abandonment in which the sick were left by the cowardice of the healthy. And before the plague it was not thought that the whole city held so many people.

Oh, what great palaces, how many fair houses and noble dwellings, once filled with attendants and nobles and ladies, were emptied to the meanest servant! How many famous names and vast possessions and renowned estates were left without an heir! How many gallant men and fair ladies and handsome youths, whom Galen, Hippocrates and Aesculapius themselves would have said were in perfect health, at noon dined with their relatives and friends, and at night supped with their ancestors in the next world!

Stop and Think:

  1. How do you think economic status/wealth affected the response of the people of Florence to the Plague? Can you see any parallels to our recent experience with COVID-19?
  2. How did superstition affect the behavior of people during the Plague era? How do you think superstition played a role in the worldwide response to COVID-19?
  3. Choose one example from Boccaccio’s text above and think about why people showed that behavior then and why/how we might still have exhibited similar behavior during COVID-19.

 

MUSIC IN THE RENAISSANCE

Music, too, would see a change during the Renaissance as shifts toward polyphony and harmony would come to dominate church and secular music both. During this era, new instruments were created that would enhance and enrich the experience of listeners. For a brief summary on the function and properties of music during the Renaissance, follow the link below:

Music of the Renaissance

Then listen to a few selections:

Guillaume Du Fay

 

Image 1.3 Guillaume Du Fay (left) beside an organ with composer Gilles Binchois (right) holding a small harp. Image is in Public Domain.

 

 

And by his contemporary, Gilles Binchois below. What differences can you perceive between the two works?

 

And finally, listen to this piece by Josquin des Prez composed somewhat later. Again, listen for any differences in vocals or instrumentation.

 


THE RISE OF ABSOLUTISM AND THE CONSOLIDATION OF ECONOMIC POWER

One of the most significant consequences of the social disruption of the cultural metamorphoses of the Black Death and the rise of scientific inquiry was a consolidation of power and wealth in the hands of a few. To be sure, a disequilibrium had always existed within the Medieval power structure, however with the forces of destabilization mentioned above, the effect was, from above, a desire to control as much wealth and power as possible and, from below, the desire for stability and predictability in this new era.

Among the best known examples of this consolidation of power and wealth is the Medici family of Florence. Their influence on the entirety of Europe, and indeed eventually the world, is undeniable.  Vestiges of their influence still exist today in our systems of banking, currency, and study of the intersection of land, wealth, and power.

Below is a comprehensive video of the Medici family’s rise to power in the 15th Century:

The Rise of the Medicis

Now that the stage has been set for the cultural and political feelings of the time, let’s move on in future chapters to investigate how these metamorphoses affected the arts, identity, religion, and the rise of Humanism. But before we move on, let’s reflect a little on what we’ve encountered so far.

 

Write and Reflect. Choose one of the following prompts for a 500-word response:

  • How did Cosimo, Brunelleschi and the city of Florence contribute to the genesis of the Renaissance?
  • In what ways does society discourage or punish people for thinking and acting differently than the majority? Provide one example from the Renaissance era and one from our current day.
  • Choose any one of the questions from a “Stop and Think” box in the chapter and provide a detailed response. (Please identify the question you have chosen.)

 

Finally, let’s bring it down to the real-world level. Part of the metamorphosis of this era was the increase in information, through scientific inquiry, exploration of the world, and examination of the role and value of an individual life. So how was information complied, stored, and later accessed in the Medieval period and the Renaissance? In the 21st Century, we hear about “the world at our fingertips” with the Internet, but consider exactly how much–or how little–knowledge of that world we actually seek out.  Browse through this article for images of the desktops of artists and scholars of the period:

The medieval desktop – Smarthistory

___________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Adapted by Monica Krupinski

 

All chapter images in the Public Domain

Boccaccio, Giovanni. Decameron of Glovanni Boccaccio.  Translated by R. Alelington, Internet Archive, 1 Jan. 1970, archive.org/details/dli.venugopal.461/page/n27/mode/2up. Accessed September 20, 2022.

“Copernicus and the Cosmos.” https://ocw.mit.edu/courses/sts-003-the-rise-of-modern-science-fall-2010/resources/mitsts_003f10_lec18/ Accessed 20 November 2022.

“Out with superstition, in with science!” https://ocw.mit.edu/courses/sts-003-the-rise-of-modern-science-fall-2010/resources/mitsts_003f10_lec19/ Accessed 20 November 2022.

Mark, Joshua J. “Boccaccio on the Black Death: Text & Commentary.” Ancient History Encyclopedia. Ancient History Encyclopedia, Accessed 22 Dec 2022.
Music of the Renaissance is shared under a CC BY-SA license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Clark, Heflin, Kluball, & Kramer (GALILEO Open Learning Materials) . Accessed November 27, 2022.

Dr. Erik Kwakkel, “The medieval desktop,” in Smarthistory, August 8, 2015, accessed November 20, 2022, https://smarthistory.org/the-medieval-desktop/.

 

 

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The Renaissance through the Age of Reason Copyright © by Monica Krupinski and Monique Harrington. All Rights Reserved.

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